Islamophiles intensify campaign to consolidate Islamic penetration of the Indian state apparatus

Posted on September 19, 2008. Filed under: Army, Hindu, India, Islam, Islamic propaganda, Kashmir, Muslims, Pakistan, Politics, religion |

In the wake of the recent Delhi blasts, and the encounter in high-Muslim density part of Delhi, close to a well-known mosque, an “Islamic” university, and the office or headquarters of most of the known Islamic organizations, Indian media shows indications of the revival of a persistent campaign to increase the recruitment of Muslims into all the branches of Indian security forces – the formal logic being given is a recommendation of a report prepared by a committee formed  and commissioned by the UPA government to look into the “status of minorities”. On the face of it the recommendation appears sound and logical – make the representation of the Muslims in the security forces proportionate to their representation in the population. With any other religion, this need not have been much of a problem – but with Islam in perspective this is indeed a huge problem. Historically the experience of Muslims as defenders of Indian territories against foreign armies or forces dominated by Muslims or inspired by Islamic Jihad – has been appalling. The Thaparite school of Indian history picks up on a couple of textual claims of apparent participation of “Arabs” in the defence of Indian territory against “Turuskas” in an attempt to extend this to the claim of a society wide phenomenon.

Historically we find records of significant populations of settled Islamic traders, deep inside “Hindu” territories especially near important commercial, political, and cultural centres [Buddhist university townships] which are later on targets of surprise military attacks by Muslims with surgical precision. Ibn Asir mentions explicitly in his Kamil-ut-Tawarikh, that there were “Mussalmans in the country of Banaras” from the days of Sabuktigin.[Elliot and Dowson]. Muhammad Aufi also speaks of Bahram Gur of Iran coming to Hindustan under the guise of a Muslim merchant [although a historically unlikely event, as this particular name is given to Bahram V, a pre-Muslim Persian ruler]. When Bakhtyiar appeared in Nudiya people thought that he was a Muslim trader come to sell horses – implying that visits to this old Hindu city on the banks of the Ganges in modern West Bengal, by Muslim traders was quite common and that Muslim military leaders were in the habit of using this acceptance to disguise themselves for spying or raiding or surprise attacks. Taranath mentions settlement of “Turuskas” (at this period a generic name for Muslims) in the AntarVedi or Ganges-Yamuna Doab. He also significantly mentions that during the time of Lavasena and his successors and prior to the invasions and destruction of the Buddhist university townships of Odantapuri and Vikramasila the number of “Turuskas” had significantly increased. Muhammad Habib in his introduction to Elliott and Dowson suggests that the far-flung campaigns of Mahmud Gaznavi would have been impossible without an accurate knowledge of trade routes and local resources of India, which he probably obtained from Muslim merchants. Many Arab narratives [including that of Al Beruni, who had been allowed to learn Sanskrit and copy and translate Hindu texts] contain accurate accounts of land-routes in India with minute details of the distances between cities and their products and other strategic details whose context shows that these were supplied mostly by Muslim merchants who had visited these places in person and recorded these details back at home accurately for future use by their fellows.

Amir Khusrau writes that under Jalauddin Khalji (1290-96), after a battle, “whatever live Hindu fell into the hands of the victorious king was pounded to bits under the feet of the elephants. The Musalman captives had their lives spared”.[Miftah-ul-Futuh (Aligarh text, 1954), p. 22 -za hindu harche amad zinda dar dast/bazere pae pilan khurd ba shikast/musalmanan-i-bandi gushta ra baz/ bajan bakhshi chu isa gasht damsaz]. Malik Kafur, the notorious general of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316), and a Hindu-woman-lifter extraordinaire, while on his expeditions in South India, spared the lives of Muslims fighting on the side of the Hindu Rai as they deserted to his army [Lal, Khaljis, p. 250].

North Indian Muslim armies, under Muslim rulers, have faced foreign invasions by other Muslim armies, and have been only successful once – that under Alauddin Khalji against one Mongol attack. The Delhi Sultanate lost miserably under Ibrahim Lodi to Babur, who was invited and supported by an influential Multani Muslim administrator. The Mughals lost abjectly to the Persian looter Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali, or became pensioners of the British before being humiliatingly hanged or exiled by the British. After the initial reports of collaboration by a few North Indian Hindu rulers with Mahmud, or Muhammad Ghori, we do not hear of any further collaboration by the Hindus with invading forces. On the other hand, even when they had not been in control of the state and its resources for centuries, and ruthlessly exploited and decimated by Islamic Jihadi onslaught, they have tried to muster forces to resist foreign invasions when the relevant Muslim ruler of northern India gave up easily – Babur met his serious opposition in the Rajputs led by Sanga, Akbar met his first serious opposition in Himu, it was the Marathas that undertook to fight the Persian adventurers, while the Nizam of Hyderabad – the ancestor of the dynasty that later patronized the Rajakars in Hyderabad – the Islamic fundamentalist group that carried on looting, abduction of Hindu women and murders for a sufficiently long period to provide the Indian army the necessary excuse to annex this princely state, collaborated right from the beginning with the British.

Muslim dominated armies in India have a fundamental weakness, their ideology teaches them that they should prefer Muslims over “infidels”, in friendship, in social interactions, in loyalty and war – and that their ideological centre lies outside of India – in Arabia. Any religious ideology that has its centre outside the borders of India, and that believes in aggressive proselytizing – ultimately is a cover for imperialist ambitions of foreign nations. I have already predicted in my previous articles on the blasts, that the Islamic Jihadi Wahabi imperialists are getting panicked that if they do not accelerate the process of Islamization in India, it can get out of their hands, and that non-Muslim consolidation would outpace their efforts so that they can never hope to bring India under Islamic rule.  Islamic forces have now sufficient backing and contacts within the general administration and political party structures that ensures protection of their religious agenda for India. They have been able to protect their Islamic agenda dissemination, and indoctrination through the Islamic educational systems and organizations, which in several areas have seen continuous growth in resources from foreign inputs, as well as indirect contribution from the Indian government such as persistent refusal to bring Muslim institutions under the tax net [unlike Hindu institutions] as well as public audit. Muslims insist on and protect their right for a separate civil law – something they usually deny in the core Islamic countries to Hindus, and in states like Kashmir they have even been able to get away with imposition of the Shariah law through the backdoor of the special-“status” state legislature. The Indian governments consistently protects Islam by choosing to or threatening to dismiss state governments that fail to protect “minority” rights even for a month, under Article 355 of the Indian Constitution, but has never used this to protect the rights of Hindus or Buddhists in Kashmir, when they were subjected to ethnic cleansing for years, when their women were abducted or raped, when their properties, their religious shrines, were destroyed and when they were being murdered – never, ever, in no instance did the Central government under various Congress regimes come out with even a strong statement. The remaining obstacle in Wahabi Islamic Jihadis eventual takeover of the nation is the fact that the security forces have remained strongly non-Muslim,  and therefore as correctly “lamented” non-“secular” in  composition – in India this means non-Muslim, as “secularism” practically translates into “Islamo-philia” in the Indian context. The few examples of Muslim majority units that remained loyal against the Pakistani forces in action during the 1965 war comes from a period before the rising strength and penetration of the Wahabi Islamic aggressive proselytization, and should not be used as self-lulling agent towards destruction of the non-Muslims.

If this campaign to increase Islamic proportion in the Indian armed forces succeeds, it will lead to a serious weakness in the ultimate defence of India as a functioning non-Islamic state – because the insidious propaganda that hides the violent agenda of Islam’s core principles for the non-Muslim population at large, while at the same time training and indoctrinating Muslim youth in its various madrassahs and cultural organizations to wait and prepare for the eventual military conquest of non-Muslims to appropriate their land, wealth and women, is accelerating, and sooner or later, such elements in the Army will collaborate with or defect to Pakistani or other Islamic invasions at opportune moments.

It is possible, that internal security systems, such as the police as well as various state security organizations have been very well aware of Islamic Jihadi activities and preparatory movements towards Islamic takeover of the country, but have been held back from taking action, by the Islamo-phile governments that have been at the centre of the Indian state. As previously proposed by me, the Islamic terrorists will act from bases in areas that have sufficiently high concentration of Muslims to provide social cover, but will carry out their terror in mixed areas within their geographical reach where non-Muslims are a majority, so that in any blast or public outrage, more non-Muslims are victims together with a few Muslims which can of course be accepted as necessary “costs of war”. The fact that the Indian Home minister, or his corresponding counterparts for the state of Delhi, had little or no foreknowledge or concurrent knowledge of the “Delhi” encounter, together with angry protests from the Muslim leadership in the area as well as leadership of so-called national level Muslim organizations that the police should have “consulted” local Muslim leadership before launching an “encounter”, implies that the police mounted this operation on extremely short notice and either did not have time or did not consider it safe to inform the “politicians”.  It could be an indication that certain sections of the command of the security forces have already decided that that they can only tackle this “Islamic terror” by avoiding the politicians as far as possible, as the main motivations of the politicians are to protect “Islamic votes”. An insistence by the Islamo-philes to increase Muslim presence in the armed forces which have had to face the brunt of Jihad in Kashmir and elsewhere, will only lead to an increased politicization of the armed forces against such moves.

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